Black Industrial Empowerment

President Zuma has espoused a new project.  He is pushing to invest huge amounts of money to support the move of Black people into the ownership of industries, in a bid to ensure that White will not continue to dominate the ownership of industry.  The objective of supporting Black ownership of industry is good, but Zuma admitted, in a sideways manner, that the plan to support Blacks alone is racist.  He denies that the plan has racist objectives, but, as we have seen, when Zuma denies something, with many small coughs and pushing of his spectacles, the denial is a simple prevarication. 

The simple fact of business is that experience gathered over many years of exposure to the real world is an essential element in the building of a competent businessman or woman.  The experience builds on a good education and a good understanding of how the world works.  Experience can only be gained over time.  It cannot be legislated into existence, and it cannot be replaced by State support, or even by mentoring, which, in any event, can only be based on that same experience.

The urgent problem faced by South Africa is the lack of sustainable jobs.  That problem has been caused by Government in many ways.  The high level of regulation, and the time consumption in complying with the regulations added to the multiplicity of fees is a strong dampener on the creation of jobs.  The duplicity of SARS in its dealings, using its draconian powers, in many cases illicitly to support the objectives of the ANC, including the promotion of the personal wealth of ANC members, has driven many industrialists from the shores, and prevented many potential investors from coming to South Africa.  The imposition of unrealistic and expensive Black Empowerment rules has increased the cost of doing business to the extent that many investors, including numerous companies which were South African icons, to establish themselves abroad.  The rampant corruption has been a major factor in reducing employment opportunities, as well as in increasing the costs of doing business in South Africa.  And, to top it all, the insistence of Government that cadres be handed directorships and senior management positions in all major corporations and bodies has ensured that the management of those bodies remains mediocre or even catastrophic.

Is this racism?  No, it is realism.  One need only look at the bodies managed or supervised by ANC nominees to see how abjectly poor even the best (in ANC terms) cadres are.  Eskom is a continuing disaster, after having been a star performer in its field at a world level under White (for ‘White’, read ‘experienced’) management, SARS used to be a competent and honest organisation and is now an instrument to assist ANC cadres to acquire huge wealth, the SABC has been directed and managed by liars, the NPA is engaged in infighting while its incompetence to conduct an effective prosecution was highlighted to the world in the Diwani case, the SAPS has demonstrated a total lack of competence in controlling and prosecuting crime, the Department of Public Works has admitted to having wasted R38 billion, the Department of Defence wasted over R600 billion on arms that were not required and are now no longer capable of use, SANRAL has lost the fight to maintain the roads, allowing them to degrade to the point where they will have to be rebuilt while concentrating instead on the conversion of public roads to toll roads, and refusing to divulge the details of the contracts (leading to apparently well-founded beliefs that the true beneficiaries are ANC-connected cadres), the Department of Education has demonstrated convincingly that it has no capability to provide the sort of education that will equip young people with the knowledge and skills they will need in life, the liquidation of Aurora is a clear statement of the desire of certain Blacks to enrich themselves at the expense of others, in the same way as the liquidation of Johannesburg Consolidated Investments, a venerable company that had existed for over a century, after less than two years of ownership by a Black ‘entrepreneur’.  One does not need to look far to find convincing examples of how bad the performance is of Black people forced into the top levels of management.  The reason is glaringly obvious:  a black skin is not a good replacement for thirty or forty years of experience, gained at the workface, with gains made slowly and carefully over time as they build on a good education.  This does not mean that Blacks are not capable.  Examples abound of Black people performing adequately or well once they have accumulated the experience required to do the job.  To accumulate that experience, the easiest way is to work in a formal organisation with the required competence, to learn how to do the job, what to watch out for, how to apply intelligence to understand the challenges and to develop ways to overcome them.  The fact is that in South Africa the knowledge and experience resides in the hands of Whites, and the efforts of Government have been directed at displacing those Whites, rather than using what they have to offer in order to support the development of skills and abilities throughout the population.  Those efforts have succeeded to a large extent, with most competent Whites in Government organisations being removed, often with large retrenchment packages in order to make way for the Blacks who do not have any of that experience.  The Government has spurned the willingness of the Whites to help make the country succeed, preferring instead to hand the lucrative jobs to incompetent and inexperienced Black, on purely racist grounds. 

The result is clear to see.  South Africa has slipped from being the leader of industry in Africa to become one of the worst-performing economies on the continent.  It has slipped from being the light of democracy under Mandela to being an Apartheid nation once again, one that is bent on implementing communism, in the face of all the evidence that that system of government has, as its main objective, the exploitation of the people for the benefit of the rulers.

The downgrading of the Eskom bonds on the international financial markets is just the first sign of the world’s judgement of the incompetence of the Black management of the country’s institutions and bodies.  Further downgrading will come, inevitably, pushing the country further down the slope of collapse that the ANC has chosen, rather than the enlightened path that recognises that the development of a non-racial development-oriented society requires the skills and experience of the Whites to help the best of the population, Blacks and Whites, to achieve their potential. 

A job is a job, whether the employer is Black or White.  A Dollar of foreign exchange has the same value, whether it is earned by a Black or a White.  And the way to achieve those jobs and earn those dollars is to encourage the development of industries, not of Black-owned industries, not to intensify the job-destroying, economy-devastating racist policies that have become the foundation of Jacob Zuma’s desperate campaign to cling to power.

  

South Africa in Crisis

 

The state of South Africa has deteriorated substantially in 2014/5.  The riots, road blocks and vehicle stonings in support of demands for delivery of promised municipal services have spread to running street battles between the Police and illegal squatters who have been evicted from the factory buildings in Jeppestown, a suburb only a short distance from the centre of Johannesburg, with the scenes in the city reminiscent of Homs.  Xenophobic violence has erupted again, with foreign shop owners being beaten up and their shops looted then set alight.  Villagers in a mining area have taken vigilante action, capturing several suspects they accused of committing murders which the Police have been unable to solve, or perhaps had no interest in solving.  The prisoners were tied up, tyres placed over their heads and petrol poured over them.  When ‘confessions’ had been extracted under the duress of savage beatings, the prisoners were set alight and immolated in a manner consistent with the necklacings exhorted by Winnie Mandela.  The Police arrived too late to prevent these executions.  A multimillion Rand Waste Management scheme in Johannesburg has failed to operate as planned (surprisingly?), leaving the streets of the economic capital of the country deep in reeking garbage.  The State President, his multitudinous Ministers and members of the Black ‘Royalty’ of the country are accorded special treatment by the Speaker of the House of Parliament, in flagrant disregard of the Constitution and the Rules of Parliament, and armed Police are called into Parliament to eject all members of the Economic Freedom Fighters Party, while Democratic Party spectators of the pomp surrounding the President’s State of the Nation Address were arrested, driven around for several hours before being released without charge.  The Deputy President ‘informs’ Parliament that the Government has ‘plans’ to correct the mobile disaster that is Eskom, without divulging any details of those plans, leading informed observers to conclude that there are no plans, even though four of the top officials of Eskom are summarily suspended from their positions without explanation, other than that it was necessary to facilitate an investigation of the problems of the corporation.

Any scanning of the headlines over the past weeks can lead only to the conclusion that the country is in a crisis that is deepening by the week, a crisis that the ANC has caused by their incompetent and corrupt management of the economy, yet one which they refuse to acknowledge.

A discussion with a large group of informed businessmen over the weekend elicited the view that the destruction of the economy that is presently taking place, and that will continue to take place, is likely to be so severe during the remaining years of the ANC rule that it will take decades, or possibly even generations, to correct.

The President Responds - or Does he?

Anyone witnessing the televised debate in which President Zuma replied to questions by MPs on the State of the Nation Address must come to two, or possibly three, conclusions.

The first inescapable conclusion is that Zuma is adroit at ducking direct questions.  His replies, demanding direct and informative replies, were ducked or responded to with generalities and, where the MPs were not satisfied with the replies, he either denied having the information or simply denied any allegations or fingers pointed to him.  If he were the Managing Director of a company, his performance would have earned him a termination notice.  In this performance, he was ably assisted by the Speaker, who confirmed her allegiance to Zuma and to the ANC by quieting any difficult questioners.  It is noteworthy that, when an MP demanded that Zuma be asked to sit down while a point of order was being raised, as would be done to all other MPs, the Speaker stated clearly that Zuma and Buthelezi are not equal to other MPs and therefore cannot be treated in the same way.  It is now as official as it can be:  Jacob Zuma is not at the same level as other citizens in this ‘democracy’.  He is not subject to the same rules, regulations and laws as the rest of us.  If you have any doubt about the interpretation of the facts that citizens are able to observe from time to time, and more frequently as time goes on, that Jacob Zuma is building a power base to preserve his hold on power in South Africa by any means possible and necessary.

The second inescapable conclusion is that Zuma does not consider himself answerable to Parliament.  In the current dispensation, Parliament is no more than a discussion forum with rubber stamp powers, to approve what Zuma and his cronies want.  It is not a body that can demand real answers, put real questions to the Executive or demand real information, for the purpose of evaluating the effectiveness, honesty or direction of the rulers of the country.  The South African ‘democracy’ has devolved into a quasi-dictatorship, in which the Constitution and the rules of Parliament are no more than inconvenient pieces of paper.

The third conclusion, if you wish to go that far, is that South Africa is heading rapidly towards the typical African Basket Case country, in which a core group of incapable and incompetent people are making all of the decisions.  They have already grabbed the power, a fact which is only now becoming clear, although they still feel the need to pull the wool over the eyes of the electorate.  The only question that remains is when Zuma will no longer feel the need to undergo this process which, apparently, is not a congenial one to him.

At a minimum, it is clear that any person who wishes to live in a progressive, modern society should be seriously concerned at the continued rule of this President.

Where are the Members of Parliament?

A basic element of democracy is the requirement that the elected politicians represent their electorate.  They are not there to represent their Party, although this seems to be very much the way the modern politicians see their role.  If that view were correct, the word ‘democracy’ would no longer be appropriate.  The system would be more aptly named as a dictatorship, as now seems to be the case in South Africa, where the buy-off or blackmail of members of the Party seems to be effective in retaining the worst President in the history of South Africa in power.

The requirement that the Members of Parliament represent their electorate, regardless of the Party affiliation of the electorate, means that the Members must vote according to the reasoned and informed wishes of the electorate, regardless of their personal convictions or desires, and regardless of their personal benefit or disadvantage.  Of course, this is like asking the politician to jump over his own shadow.  The structure of Parties requires strict adherence to the Party line, and that, of course, implies strict adherence to the views of the Leader of the Party, the most influential person in the Party.  There can be no clearer examples of this than Sir de Villiers Graaff, the Leader of the United Party, the official Opposition for the beginning years of the National Party’s reign, and Jacob Zuma, the Leader of the African National Congress.  De Villiers Graaff, an ineffectual politician, by his policy of gentlemanly tactics and refraining from any form of attack on the excesses of the then ruling Party, enabled the National Party to dominate the history of South Africa for many years, permitting that Party to introduce and strengthen the policy of Apartheid and so steer the country into the darkest era prior to the introduction of what seemed to be true democracy.  He was followed by a series of equally ineffectual leaders of the Opposition, none of whom had the charisma to allow the electorate to trust them, or, perhaps, all of whom were so patently there for their own benefit that the bulk of the electorate could not trust them. 

Then came Mandela.

Capitalising on the fact that the collapse of the USSR had induced the West to believe that the threat of a communist takeover of Africa was no longer a realistic threat, Mandela, a member of the Communist Party, won the first democratic election and started the new democracy.  Unfortunately, Mandela, an old man and worn down by many years of disappointment, failed to understand the dynamics of the ANC.  His attempt to set the country on the path to a new democratic order started well but faltered when it came to the first hurdle, the imposition of the new Apartheid, the policy of Black Empowerment.  It is fair to believe that Mandela believed that Blacks are equal to Whites.  They are, but, lacking the many years experience in business and in management, the policy resulted in a very large number of more or less incompetent managers gaining positions of control in business or Government.  It also resulted in the experienced Whites, as well as Blacks and others who were not members of the ANC, realising that there was no future for them or their children in the country.  Instead of voting for a better Party, they voted with their feet.  The departure of this large number of experienced and effective managers left a large hole in the capabilities of the country in every sphere.  The number of those people is estimated at more than three million people of voting age, sufficient to overthrow the slim majority of the ANC.  The result was that the large bulk of unqualified, poorly-educated and ill-informed voters left behind were those that supported the ANC, convinced by the propaganda and the outright untruths disseminated by that Party, and by their tactics of stuffing the Civil Service with ANC cadres, who owe their jobs and their inflated salaries to the ANC, and by the distribution of largesse, in the form of free houses (built by the Party favourites at huge cost and low quality), free electricity, free water, social grants to make up for the jobs that could have existed had the available funds been applied in a rational, rather than Party-supporting, way.  The effect was that the economy of South Africa, at one time the leading light in the Dark Continent, went into a decline.  The decline was gentle at first, but steepened as more funds were skimmed off the economy to go into buying votes rather than developing the prospects of the people at large, or simply into the Swiss bank accounts of the Party favourites.  The present situation was clear to see, and was publicly stated by the writer in 1997  Democracy followed the same decline, strongly helped by the political manoeuvring of Thabo Mbeki as he worked to prevent any investigation by Parliament into the scandal of the Arms Deals in the late ‘90s, and subsequently by Jacob Zuma, who has made this an art form.

If the three million voters, of all races, who have left the country in disgust since the accession to power of the ANC were present at the last election, the ANC would have been thrown out.  It is not possible to say that the Democratic Alliance would have gained power if the election had gone this way.  Their mediocre performance in the political arena has not endeared them to the electorate, even in the face of a far superior performance in Government of the Western Cape Province, and this was complicated by the fact that the top politicians appear to subscribe to the de Villiers Graaff code of political ethics.  The new Parliamentary Leader, Mmusi Maimane, seems to have a better understanding of what the electorate wants, perhaps driven by the antics of Julius Malema, who learned his politics in the ANC.  That is good news for South Africa, but it is not enough. 

The politicians are in Parliament, paid large salaries, to represent the electorate, which means that they have an obligation to question every act of the Government.  They must question every appointment to a senior position, in any organ of Government or Government-controlled corporation.  They must look into the background of the candidates, check their claimed credentials, evaluate their performance, publicise every deviation from ‘excellent’ in a way that will enable the most poorly-informed voter to understand what the ruling Party is doing in their name.  ‘Understand’ is the operative word.  It is not enough to talk to the Party faithful, to communicate with those who already support the Party.  It is not enough to communicate with (in fact, talk at, not with) them at election time, when every other Party is doing the same.  It is not enough to disseminate the highlights.  A responsible Member of Parliament, as well as future candidate, has a duty to inform all of the voters of what is being done, and so to ensure that they are able to formulate their desires in a reasoned and informed way.  And then they must represent those views in Parliament, regardless of the Party Line.  Only then will we have democracy.

Do the ANC MPs do this? 

They are effective at passing on the Party line, which is often very far from the real truth.

Are the present Opposition Parties doing this?

The answer must be a resounding NO.  The losses of the ANC over the past years are more a result of their own poor performance than of the excellence of the Opposition.  The capability of the DA in managing the Western Cape Province is not enough for them to gain power, unless they communicate this, in a truthful way to the electorate of the country.  The abjectly poor quality of the ANC-deployed cadres is a wonderful opportunity for the Opposition to highlight the continuing failures of the ANC.  The continued failure of the ANC to hold its nominees in Government to account gives the Opposition a chance to point out the failings of that Party.  Doing that in the very biased atmosphere of Parliament, in which every ANC MP is brainwashed, blackmailed or paid to support the Jacob Zuma myth, will achieve little or nothing.  The voters are out in the real world, away from the cosy club of Parliament.  The truth must be brought to them, consistently, honestly and in a way that they can understand.  And now is the time to do that.

The Failings of BBEEE

It is clear to most thinking people that the BBEEE policies have many unwanted problems.  Some of those have already been discussed, and many others will be discussed in coming weeks.  The subject for today’s discussion is the extent to which even a successful BBEEE program has effect in transferring the knowledge and experience needed for the operation of a successful and efficient business.  Many years of Management Consultancy at a high level in large and effective organisations has provided fairly conclusive proof that the chances of this objective being satisfied are very small, except in the largest companies.

It is probably fair to say that most BBEEE projects are carried out in small to mid-sized companies.  Aspirant Black Managers and Supervisors are employed by the company with the main objective to satisfy the regulations.  They are inducted into the company and trained in the systems and procedures, as well as the way of thinking, of the company.  And therein lies the problem.

Most of the small to mid-sized companies have grown from small beginnings, with a very large proportion of them still under the management of the founders or the children of the founders.  It is very seldom that these people have much idea of how professional managers work, of what sort of information they use to make decisions, and of how to make those decisions even if the information is available.  Very few have much understanding of statistical collection and valuation methods, of management accounting, of market analysis.  In many cases, the success of the company is a result of a good idea being promoted by a driven individual who has learned over the years of mistakes and trial and error what brings the results that are desired, more or less.  In many cases, the top managers of these companies fly by the seats of their pants, keeping a rough and general idea of where they want to go in their minds.  The result of this is that their decision-making is unclear and somewhat erratic, with decisions being made as more or less knee jerk reactions to a change in the situation, rather than as a clearly considered response to changes that are clearly identified for what they really are, and with the goal of meeting a long-term objective that has been formulated in advance.

‘Nonsense’, you say.  ‘South Africa has many good and effective businesses.”  It has, but most of them are operated at a sub-optimal level of effectiveness, and those sub-optimal processes, management systems and ideas are being transferred to Black trainees, who do not have the background to recognise the extent to which they are faulty.  As an example, on client company has grown to a turnover of over R40 million per year, employing about thirty people.  A couple of BBEEE candidates were brought in, to facilitate the next stage of the company’s growth.  A Consultant sat in on a number of Senior Management meetings for a purpose unrelated to the training of those persons, and was astonished to hear the Managing Director requesting a ‘Budget for the next three years’, a good sign, but without direction.  It is not possible to undertake a business projection without knowing the current status and the objectives of the company over that period.  A suggestion to the Managing Director after that meeting, that he should provide at a minimum a starting point for the budgeting process and a clear formulation of the strategy of the company, setting out objectives and constraints, was rejected as being too much ‘big corporation’, and a waste of time.  The Consultant had no role in the matter, so continues to observe the developments.  At the next meeting, the BBEEE candidates produced a mush of words, stating what they hoped to achieve, with only the vaguest description of how they would do it.  Unsurprisingly, the ‘Budgets’ were roundly criticised by the Managing Director, who demanded that they be more specific, and that they include a rate of growth amounting to over 30% p.a.  After the meeting, the Managing Director complained to the Consultant that the quality of the two was not up to the desired standard.  The candidates complied, again with many imprecise words.  There was no attempt to quantify any of the objectives, yet the Managing Director seemed to be satisfied with the new effort.  It was clear that the ‘Budgets’ were totally meaningless.  One of the essential ingredients of management is the measurement of results against desires, and that can only be achieved if the objectives are quantified in some manner.  If you can’t measure what you want to achieve, there is no way to know whether you have achieved it.  A subsequent discussion with the Managing Director revealed that he refrained from stating his objectives because that would prevent him realising that he had failed to achieve those objectives.  It did not surprise the Management Consultant to hear nearly a year later that the two BBEEE candidates had been fired for incompetence.  They had never had a chance to develop any competence, or to show what competence they did have.  The cost to them was a total waste of a year, and, probably, the learning of many faulty management lessons.  The cost to the company was in excess of nearly two million Rands as well as the loss of a year, or more, of the growth that the two candidates could have brought.  The loss to the country is probably five times the loss to the company, because two possibly promising people have learned that the way to progress in an organisation is to kowtow to the boss, not to apply the mental capabilities they have.

The case described is not an isolated one, nor is it confined to BBEEE candidates.  It is common to find within South African companies that the level of management capability, in terms of modern management techniques and science, is extremely low.  There are several reasons.  The base reason is probably that there has never been a culture of training management personnel, except in the largest and most competent companies, and most of those trainees have left the country to work in the overseas operations of their employees or, where that has not been possible, they have sought better opportunities abroad, where their capabilities are recognised and rewarded, no matter the colour of their skin.  Another reason is that the process of growing through the ranks in a competent company seems to have been largely abandoned, with people having the barest understanding of the science being elevated to fill much more senior positions than those for which they are qualified.  This is partly a result of the brain drain which has afflicted the country, and partly a result of the Black Empowerment policies, which seem to assume that a Black person with a Matric and the right political affiliations is also magically imbued with the capability to do a competent job in a senior management role.  The lack of the control capabilities has also resulted in an increase in in-company fraud, because the frauds are not easily detected and the fraudsters have acquired the ‘entitlement’ mind-set propagated by Government policies and by Government Ministers and Civil Servants.

The effect of this situation, as with most of the policies introduced by the Government during the past two decades, will bedevil South African commerce and industries for many years to come, even for many years after corrective measures are introduced, as the bad appointees will continue in their positions, spreading the misinformation.  One way to improve the situation is to use a competent, internationally-experienced Management Consultant as a mentor, training BBEEE employees and their managers in the correct way to do their jobs, instituting internationally-recognised systems and ideas and undertaking a survey of the management practices at least every three years, to detect and correct sub-optimal drift.  Consultants should be employed to do routine work only in an emergency or in the process of bringing about a correction.  Any extended employment of a Consultant should be seen for what it is – an admission that the organisation is not capable to do the work required.  In that capacity, they are no better than contract workers.

Security Costs for the Leadership of the Nation

The Budget for 2015 sets aside an amount of R2 billion for the provision of security for Jacob Zuma and his henchmen.  There are, of course, hidden amounts to be added to this total, amounts that come out of other Budgets for the support of this man, such as the hidden sums that were paid to build his mansion, and the chances are that they will never be aired for public scrutiny, but the bare fact that this amount has risen from R376 million in just ten years must raise the hairs on the back of the neck of any perceptive observer.

The simple fact is that Zuma and his coterie of cronies in the top ranks of the ANC are building a private force, answerable to no-one but them, a hidden army within the Republic that, there can now no longer be doubt, is there to ensure that Zuma and the ANC will hold onto power even in the face of an overwhelming loss at the ballots.  There is no possibility that Zuma will willingly hand over the reins of Government to any Party or coalition that is inimical to him.  An unbiased investigation into his actions will certainly ensue, and the likelihood is that Zuma will have to explain many things that he and his Party are now able to dodge, which they do with ease by misusing the Rules of Parliament, by ensuring that loyal members occupy any position of importance in Government, and by failing to meet the most basic requirement of any democracy simply by not appearing in Parliament and, on the rare occasions that he and his cronies do, by dodging the direct questions with the willing assistance of a biased Speaker, another person who consistently fails to ensure that the Executive answer questions in Parliament, both honestly and completely.  Mbeki was the man who started the trend of ensuring that his and his Party’s actions are shielded from Parliamentary scrutiny during the Arms Scandal, but Zuma has acquired a degree of professionalism in this that is unparalleled throughput the civilized world.

The ‘security forces’ owing loyalty to Zuma, to the exclusion of the public, now number 6 336, a very large number by any comparison, given, particularly, the claim made by the ANC that the great majority of the voters ‘love the ANC and Zuma’.  Add to that the fact that the Police have shown no indication of any desire to be on the side of the citizens, and that the Minister of Defence is agitating strongly for a substantial increase in the Defence Budget, a factor that indicates a clear design to ensure that the leaders of the Defence Force know clearly whose hand it is that feeds them.  The fact that this is succeeding is shown very clearly by the large number of Defence Force TV advertisements, praising the Force and its ‘accomplishments’ in the run up to the last elections.  The desires of Zuma are shown clearly by the fact that the cell phones of Parliamentarians were jammed by the ‘Security Forces’ in breach of the Constitution, by the expulsion of all Members of a Party when the Speaker had an excuse to require that only three of them leave the Chamber, by the fact that supporters of the DA standing peacefully outside Parliament were arrested before the State of the Nation address by Zuma, and by the fact that citizens and foreigners have been unlawfully persecuted by organs of Government, such as SARS and the SARB.

If you would like a prediction by a perspective observer who does not believe the facile statements of Zuma and the ANC members, or even if you don’t, here it is, in two parts:

1.    The ANC will lose the next general election as a result of the parlous state of the economy forcing them to cut back on pork barrel projects to the Party favourites and all of the measures they have built up to buy the votes of the poor and the uneducated, such as social payments and jobs for pals, while increasing VAT, road tolls and all other systems of diverting the ‘wealth’ of the country to those who, they hope, will vote for them;

2.    Before the results of the election are announced, Zuma will take steps to convince the public that ‘the revolution’ which they are so fond of proclaiming (in fact, an unforced handover of power by the National Party, which had come to believe that the collapse of the Communist countries supporting the ANC would no longer be in a position to implement the Communist rule that the National Party faithful had so feared) was in danger of being reversed.  The precursor for this is clear in the repeated assertions by the ANC speakers that the DA, the only credible Party in Opposition, desires to lead the country back to Apartheid.  Zuma will declare a State of Emergency, impose martial law and use his ‘loyal cadres’ in the same way as his good friend, Robert Mugabe, the Dictator of Zimbabwe, has done.

 

South Africans, beware.  The writing is on the wall, starkly clear for those who wish to understand what is happening.