The
question that is being asked seldom attracts a complete answer. While the reasons given below are not
complete, they are more accurate than the Government is willing to concede.
The
Government blames all the problems on three main factors:
- The collapse of the world commodity
market. This is a factor that any
competent market observer could have foreseen two years ago, or even
longer. It has been clear for a
long time that the Chinese economy was reaching a turning point in its
headlong growth of expenditure on infrastructure. New buildings were being completed and
remaining unoccupied, the market for its exports was reaching a peak or
even starting to decline, and the centrally-planned economy was showing
signs of strain, which were not being addressed, adequately, or sometimes
at all, by the government. In the
case of South Africa, the policies of the Government and its inability to
restrain the excesses of the trade unions have been having the effect of
holding back the ability of South African businesses to capitalize on the
boom conditions, and setting the ground for the current economic decline
long before it started.
Not only did the Government fail to foresee this development, it failed to
maximise the benefits to the economy of the boom while it ran, and they
frittered away what little cash it produced in pork barrel political
investments, hand-outs to the ANC voter base, abjectly poor management of
whatever it did, corrupt practices which involved opting for large bribe-producing
projects rather than run-of-the-mill maintenance, rather than making the
strategic investments, often at small scale, that would help to develop
the industrial, agricultural and mining base of the economy.
- The evil White capitalists, who have
withheld from investing the large sums of capital they have accumulated on
their balance sheets. There are three
main faults in this reason. The capitalist
system is blamed for not doing what the Government wants it to do, but capitalists
will refrain from making investments unless they are assured that the
investment will pay off in the form of increased, or at least stable
profits in the long term. The ANC
Government has failed dismally in this.
It has, instead, assured the capitalists that committing themselves
to the South African economy is an almost sure way of inviting the ANC to
raid their fixed assets by means of laws to demand the donation of shares
of their businesses or costly employment of unqualified people as Directors,
managers or simply employees under the disguise of racial equity, and it
has invited the trade unions to hold them up, like highwaymen, demanding ‘protection
money’ in the form of excessive wages and benefits demands in order to
avoid ruinous strikes and violent confrontations, often leading to murder
and arson. These tactics work, in
the short term, because the fixed investment is too valuable to abandon,
but they teach the capitalists, who are neither short-sighted nor stupid,
that South Africa is not a good place to invest. Those who can, move to another
investment destination, withholding any further non-essential investment
in the local economy, and those who do not have this option available to
them, simply sit back, to ride out the storm with as little exposure as
they can manage, in the hope that a new Government will be in place within
the foreseeable future.
The fact that many of the capitalists are White is a result of a long
history, not the least of which is that the European nations that founded
the economies of Africa were capitalists for centuries in the past. They do not suffer the negative effects
on investment that the tribal structure of much of Africa remains saddled
with, and they have not had to undergo the long learning process that many
of the leaders of the ANC do not appear to have completed. The recent rambling speeches of the
State President bear testament to this.
He appears to believe implicitly that the market price for a good
is determined by a meeting of all concerned parties, apparently without
regard to the realities of input costs, the value of innovation, the
scarcity of the good or its components, the price offered by other
potential purchasers, reward for risk-taking, or the myriad other factors
that go to influence the final price.
Of course, his limited understanding of how the world works is
based on the education and brainwashing he received from the Soviet Union
and its lackeys, and remains influenced by the Communist ‘brothers’ around
him, many of whom continue to hold high positions in Government. None of these people appear to
understand that the ignominious collapse of the Soviet Union was caused,
among other reasons, by the failure to understand the workings of the
market economy, and not by the nefarious schemings of ‘capitalists’, who,
seemingly, had nothing better to do than spend three-quarters of a century
in plotting to bring an end to the ‘worker’s paradise’ that was
responsible, under Josef Stalin alone, for the killing of sixty million of
its subjects and the subjection of hundreds of millions to abominably poor
living conditions and education. Of
course, not all capitalists are White.
There are many Black, Coloured and Indian capitalists in the
country, and, remarkably, most of them do not support the ANC.
The belief that White capitalists are all evil is equally without
foundation. Many White capitalists
have gone along with the stated motivation of the Government, in
supporting the training of the previously disadvantaged, in supporting
charities to help the (predominantly Black) poor, in providing assistance
to the Police, the Education Departments and to other worthy causes. Their actions in this regard have been
damaging to their own businesses and to their long-term interests, and
have been undertaken almost solely to benefit their fellow man, and not in
the belief that this benefit would accrue to themselves, except in the
broadest possible way. It is a fact
that a large proportion of the donations that have brought about the
partial recovery of the AIDS disaster caused by the ANC denial that AIDS
was a disease (remember Thabo Mbeki’s humiliating speech that ‘AIDS is a
syndrome, and syndromes don’t cause diseases’, and the equally humiliating
pronouncement by his Minister of Health that onions and garlic cured AIDS,
not to mention the comment by Jacob Zuma that he showered after having
sex, and so could not have contracted the disease?) is provided by the (predominantly
White capitalist) United States, and that 60% of US citizens regularly
make voluntary donations to charities.
Neither Whites nor capitalists are inherently evil, nor is the
United States, as propounded by Zuma’s idol, Robert Mugabe, and hinted at
by Zuma and many of his stooges.
- The unwillingness of the Press and other
media to support the ANC, confounding every attempt by the noble ANC, the
champion of the people, to bring an understanding to the mass of South
African voters of the benefits of ANC actions and policies. Unfortunately for the ANC, the free
media has within it many astute, educated and knowledgeable people, who
are able to pick out of those actions and policies the likely unrealised
potential effects of what they are doing and plan to do, as well as to
come to the truth of the many acts that the ANC seeks to conceal under the
many words which shower on the public to withhold from the public what is
really happening. The media are, if
they are truly free, the champions of the public, the poor and ignorant
ANC voters as well as the jack-booted evil White capitalists. They are able to take a transcript of a Jacob
Zuma speech and point out to the public the abject lack of understanding
and comprehension contained in it. They
can analyse the probable results of a proposal, such as the recent one by
the Minister of Water Affairs to steal the privately-owned dams of White
farmers in the Northern Province and distribute the water contained in them
to ‘the poor’, at the almost certain cost of the demise in short order of
the farmers who built those dams, at high cost to themselves, to ensure
that they are able to survive the sort of drought conditions that now
pertain and that were foretold at least several years ago, without the ANC
Government doing anything to forestall the almost certain results. Bringing this knowledge to the attention
of the public is their duty, as it is of the Government, and the fact that
they are critical of the Government in doing that is not disloyalty, as
the ANC claims, but the unbiased performance of that duty. The fact that the ANC is shown to be
lacking, in foresight, in intelligence, in moral standards and in the expected
level of integrity in the performance of their duties is the fault of the
ANC, not of the media.
The truth
of the matter is that there are many reasons behind the collapse of the
economy.
The
collapse of the commodity markets is a factor, but this was a probable event,
able to be understood and acted against in the decades prior to the
present. South Africa failed miserably
to take advantage of the boom conditions while they pertained, because the Government
saw the private business sector as a cow to be milked as much as possible,
without making provision for the future.
It encouraged the wildly excessive demands of the labour unions, because
the increased affluence of the workers was sold by the ANC as a direct result
of the efforts of the ANC. It was
not. It was a result of the success of
the capitalists who had built those businesses to the level of success they
enjoyed, offering increasing numbers of jobs to a poorly-educated and –trained workforce,
and making up the deficiencies of those workers at the cost of the
investors. Those businesses were
operating in the real world, where the price of an ounce of platinum is
determined by the forces of supply and demand, not by negotiating by unequal
partners across a table, and where supply is determined by whether a mine can
produce those ounces of platinum at a cost that will enable the company to
reward the capitalist investors for the risk and the time they wait for the
reward, and the demand is determined by how many ounces are needed by the
users, by the cost of alternative ways to meet the need, and by how many ounces
can be purchased at a particular price.
There are no secret negotiations involved in the process, no bribes
being passed under the table, no consensus of like-minded parties, only the
setting off of needs, demands, supply and costs to reach a coldly-calculated
value. There is no space for
consideration of the needs of the ‘poorest of the poor’, for the wish to
placate a demanding Government or trade union.
If the cost is too high, the sale will not be made, the production will
reduce and, with it, the demand of the labour required to produce.
Part of the
cost of production is every element of direct and indirect cost that is required
to make that production. The direct
costs include wages, benefits to labour, levies to Government at all levels,
including the compulsory payments to the Companies Office, to the Ombudsman, to
the adjudication of labour disputes, to Sanral for toll fees, the cost of
electricity paid to Eskom and incurred by the need to have and operate stand-by
generators when Eskom fails to supply, for fuel to transport the products out
and the raw materials in, including the levies paid to Government, for SETA
levies, to provide for the training of the potential workers to the point where
they might become productive, and all such similar costs. The indirect costs include the loss of
earnings on the shareholding transferred to non-productive shareholders under
the BBEEE schemes, as well as the loss of earnings caused by unjustified
strikes in support of demands for excessive wages and benefits.
Contrary to
Government view, the cost of transferring a shareholding to a Black
shareholder, even if it is paid for at an agreed price, is the loss of earnings
to the original shareholders who would have earned that share of the profit. If a company earns R100, and a shareholding
of 26% is transferred to a Black shareholder who played no part in bearing the
risk or the capital outlay of setting that company up and putting it in
business, then the original shareholders have lost R26 per year. Paying them a price of R260, probably over
five or ten years, is far from adequate compensation for the profits and
capital growth they expected, and even paying interest of 30% p.a. would, in
most cases, not compensate for the loss.
If that investment is coupled with representation on the Board by
persons who would not, in the ordinary course of events, have been chosen for
that role, it compounds the problem, because the original shareholders, who
have clear ideas of where the company should go, now have to accommodate the
wishes and desires of people who, in most circumstances, have little
understanding of the business and, probably, considerably less capability to
make the business succeed than the original shareholders. If they were the equal of the original
shareholders, the chances are that they would have set the business up for
themselves! Again contrary to the
deeply-held belief of the ANC, a business is not a training ground for
less-skilled operators, certainly not at the top management and Board
levels. That is a fact that is implicit
in the fact that progression to those top ranks has always been accompanied by
years of exposure, development of skills and capabilities and experience. The ANC has attempted to upset that natural
order by the legal requirement to bring in people at top level who have none of
those qualities, and the result has been a catastrophic collapse of the
competitiveness of South African businesses, accompanied by the brain-drain of
skilled Whites, who could have sustained those businesses but who have seen the
writing on the wall – qualified Whites have no future in South Africa. They have taken their skills, knowledge and
experience to foreign climes and, understandably, have seen that their South
African competitors are now soft targets.
The foreigners who might have added their capital and skills to the
country have also recognized that, unless they are Chinese, Russian or Guptas,
they are seen by the ANC Government as legitimate targets. They have seen numerous examples of the
Government bodies working in illegitimate and internationally unacceptable ways
to squeeze them, and they have pulled back from the country to await a more
honest and more perceptive Government.
The losses to the ‘poorest of the poor’ have been huge. Tens of thousands of jobs have been lost
directly, and hundreds of thousands of potential jobs have evaporated, along
with the substantial foreign exchange earnings they would have brought. The development of the economy has been
reversed over the twenty-one years that the ANC has been in power, taking a
country that was the hope of the world to put it in the category of most
corrupt, least effective, ratings-degraded, Zimbabwe-style basket case
economies.
Another profound
reason for the current failings of the South African economy is that the ANC
believes that a country can be operated in a political way. Businesses need firm rules within which to
operate, not a constantly changing set of conditions that are unclearly defined
and subject to the whim of a dictator-style Minister. A business cannot be an ANC-style democracy,
where every decision is debated ad infinitum and then agreed, probably too
late, to accord with the whims of an uneducated majority. A business needs decisive management which is
capable of assessing the objective facts and making decisions, and then putting
them into effect. It cannot take into
account the desire to mollify an undefined body of the ‘poorest of the poor’ –
that can only be taken into account in the way that the taxes of successful
companies and businesspeople pay.
Building houses for the workers and their large families, supporting the
education of their children, meeting a ‘corporate social responsibility’ that
has nothing to do with the objectives of making a legitimate profit all fall
within the responsibilities of the employees and the Government, particularly
in a country in which many businesses are hanging onto survival by their
fingernails. The surest way to bring an
economy to its knees is to foist all of the Government’s wish-list requirements
on the people who are making the economy work.
Another
reason for the continuing failure of the South African economy is the
substantial amount extracted from the economically productive sector by means of
taxes, levies, fees, increased costs of property taxes, electricity and water
(in order to subsidise the non-productive sector, including the social grants,
the free education at university level for the tens of thousands of
matriculants who would otherwise have gone on to the unemployment roll), the
massively-expanding Civil Service of overpaid and underperforming persons, and
other disguised Government take. The
fact is that the money that the Government extracts from the small productive
sector to redistribute to the poor – another way of saying that it bribes the
voters to support them at the cost of the taxpayers – would, in normal
circumstances, have been applied to development of the business, with a small
proportion being peeled off to reward the investors who took the risks and
provided the capital, knowledge, contacts and skills, which reward would have
provided reassurance to potential investors, local as well as foreign, that
South Africa is really open for business.
The more the Government take, the less will be the new investment and
the slower the development. And of
course, as the development and investment fades, the economy declines, and the
actions of the top politicians become more erratic, more determined by the
desire to grab what they can while it, and they, are still there. The extent to which that is happening can be
readily gauged by the intensity of the Government’s desire to ensure that the
media toes the Government line, that the investment funds remain in the
country, by compulsion if necessary, and that the businesses that remain
effective are brought within the control of the regulations that bleed them.
Probably
the largest single reason why the South Africa economy is failing is that the
Government’s focus is on its voter base, the ‘poorest of the poor’. In a business, the concentration of top
management must be on the business activities that produce the most profit,
with attention being given to those that cost the most. The same applies to an economy. The Management of the economy cannot afford
to place its greatest effort on the sector of the economy that produces
practically no taxes, the lifeblood of a Government. The greatest effort should be applied to
maintaining and fostering the growth of the sectors of the economy that
presently, and in the future, provide the greatest contribution to the GDP. That attention, if competent and up to the
task, will continue to support the flow of taxes to the Government as well as
providing the jobs to the people, whose income will supplement those
taxes. In time, those activities will
trickle down to the lower levels, enabling those who now receive an adequate
education to enter the fields of the economically active, contributing to the
fiscus and dragging their comrades along with them. This process may be supported by programs
designed to accelerate it, by tax concessions and other incentives to enhance
it, but it cannot be the central focus of Government thinking and action. Like it or not, the poor contribute very
little to economic improvement, and the best ways to improve their lot is not
to subsidise them, but to find ways to motivate them to work their way out of
poverty, using their skills, abilities and self-motivation to achieve for
themselves what the ANC has failed so completely to do. The fact that they may well decide to cast
their vote in favour of a Party that is pro-business (NOT anti-poor) is a
factor that should motivate the Government in power to maximise the success of
that process, but never to support it to the detriment of the economic
activities that make such self-rescue possible.
The obvious way to do that is to prove an excellent education (rather than
finding excuses why the poor education is becoming worse) and relevant
technical training, to make the youngsters able to earn a living immediately,
rather than making it possible for them to continue their schooling by means of
‘progressing’ to the next grade by the simple expedient of failing twice in a
grade, or giving them free university education as a means to postpone their
coming onto the labour market for four or six years, while they hold back the
education of those who are able and willing to succeed. Best of all, adopt policies that reward
effort and ability, and, wherever possible, drop any notion that someone is ‘entitled’
to something merely by virtue of his or her presence.