Friday, 17 March 2017

Zuma explains. Crisis, what crisis?

The responses given by President Zuma to questions in Parliament regarding the crisis in the payment of social grants makes it clear why the ANC Government has consistently demonstrated a high level of incompetence in its functions. There are two main reasons.

The first is that President Zuma, and, by implication, the rest of his bloated Cabinet – numbering about one hundred incompetents, including Ministers and Deputy Ministers – simply do not understand one of the most basic and most important rules of management, the requirement to monitor potential threats and problems, and take preemptive action to prevent them materializing. Zuma declared that ‘this is a funny sort of democracy’, in which people are found guilty of a crime before they have committed the crime. It is clear that he does not understand the difference between what has happened and what he is describing. Any Managing Director of a company, large or small, who waits for the clearly forespelled result of a course of conduct to materialize before taking action to prevent that result would be thrown out of office, if the Board and the shareholders had the time to do so before the company became bankrupt. Such a method of management is clearly in breach of one of the most basic principles of management, and represents a level of managerial incompetence that one would be surprised to find in even the smallest and meanest of business.

The second reason is that Zuma has clearly demonstrated a desire, probably an imperative, to retain the goodwill of Bathabile Dlamini, a woman who has made clear on more than one occasion her disdain for the law, or her Oath of Office, and for her duty to the people of South Africa, as well as her support. The background to this seems to be partly her support for his chosen candidate as his successor as President, Nkosozana Dlamini Zuma (note the names!), who, he hopes, will protect him from the 783 criminal charges hanging over his head, as well as the several more that will be added as a result of his conduct during his Presidency. If Minister Dlamini goes, so will go his hopes of being able to avoid the need to take other action to fend off his loss of freedom as well as the loss of the ill-gotten gains he has accumulated during his Presidency. One wonders whether his inaction during the build up to the present crisis was not intended to permit, if not encourage, the riots and civil disorder that would inevitably ensue if the 17 000 000 social grants were not paid on time! The realization of that crisis would present a perfect reason for the declaration of a State of Emergency by Zuma, leading to a suspension of Parliament and rule by decree, a situation he is on record as desiring, and one which would relieve him of the anxiety attending any stepping down by him as President, even under the succession of his ex-wife to the Presidency. There can be no guarantee that she will protect him, or that she, and the ANC, will win the next election. Of course, the State of Emergency would allow Zuma to take from Robert Mugabe, a man he greatly admires, the crown as the worst African Dictator of recent years. Zuma has taken many steps to prepare for this event, including putting in his pocket the Minister of Police, the head of the National Prosecuting Authority, the Minister of State Security, building up of a seven thousand strong personal security body responsible only to him, with only a part of the Judiciary, including the Constitutional Court Judges, being excepted. Unfortunately, even the newly-appointed Public Protector, a woman following in the footsteps of her illustrious predecessor, appears to have failed the test of strong independence expected of her.

The picture of South Africa’s future remains gloomy, and has become darker than it was before, with the only bright spot in the future being the hope that the ANC will lose enough support in the next election to permit the election of a new Government which may, hopefully, have enough collective intelligence, managerial competence and understanding of democracy to turn the country away from its present course, which is solidly towards becoming another failed African State. That glimmer of hope is receding as Zuma and his support base in the ANC demonstrate ever more clearly their determination to hang onto power at any cost. All the signs are there, and the failure by most of the ANC politicians to stand up against what even the most obdurate Marxist must see as a developing disaster reinforces the view that they are determined to take the country into the abyss. The recent Budget proposed by Pravin Gordhan cannot be seen as an attempt to change course, and his admission during the Budget speech that the country, under ANC rule, has enjoyed a GDP growth of less than 1% per annum in the last twenty-three years must be seen as an admission of failure, yet there is no sign that any change is being targeted.

The pattern of conduct shown by Zuma in relation to the Social Grants Crisis (“What crisis?”, Zuma asks. “It has not happened yet!”) highlights the crises in Health, where the abject lack of management has resulted in 101 mental health patients dying after being removed from an established health care unit to unlicensed facilities, without any action being taken by Government to prevent the crisis developing despite Press coverage for more than three months, in the SABC, where a dictator was allowed free reign for more than two years during which the Press and MPs repeatedly raised the issue, in PRASA, where a Finding by the Public Protector regarding R14 billion of fraud and corruption has been allowed to fester without any action being taken by the Minister, in SAA, where the Treasury has been forced to contribute hundreds of millions of Rands to counter the disastrous and unconstitutional management by a Zuma favorite, in Eskom, where the country’s economy has been derailed by successive incompetent managements and the public has been bled dry to support corrupt dealings and inefficient and ineffective management actions, despite Press coverage over years, in the sale of the country’s fuel oil reserves at a price significantly below market while the Minister gives puerile excuses that not even a schoolchild could believe, with no action being taken despite extensive Press coverage, in Education, where the schoolchildren have been fed the third worst education in the world, with the Minister proclaiming yearly that the adjusted grades show that the standard is improving, in delivery of public services, where the man, whose house was burned down by a community incensed at his lack of performance, was then rewarded by Zuma in appointment as Minister of Finance! The successive Ministers of Finance, proudly lauded as custodians of the country’s finances, have brought the country to the brink of a ratings downgrade, with massive growth in deficits and concomitant increases in the proportion of the massively growing annual Budget being eaten up by interest payments, strongly declining business confidence resulting in sharply reducing new investment and foreign direct invest, and a flight of the best and brightest of our business community to more attractive economies. The mining industry has shown strong decline as a result of incompetent management of the sector by another Zuma favorite, a man who is on record as having lied to Parliament. South Africa, formerly the strongest economy on the continent, is now one of the weakest. The continent’s growth in GDP, if the calculation excludes South Africa, would be a full 4,7% higher than it is including South Africa.

It can truly be said that the only successful aspect of ANC rule has been its ability to convince the illiterate and unknowing mass of voters that the Party is the sole reason for the social grants being paid! Even the SACP, the ANC’s alliance partner, has stated that, if the average voter could read a newspaper, the ANC would no longer be in power.

What can be done to correct this situation?

It is clear that Zuma is beyond any hope of correction. The fear is growing that he will seize power in an Idi Amin-like coup, unless he can gain the assurance that he will be protected against retribution for his criminal conduct. (The word ‘criminal’ is used advisedly. Even though the 783 criminal charges have still to be adjudicated by a Court, Zuma has admitted before the Constitutional Court that he has knowingly breached the Constitution, as well as his Oath of Office. Both of such breaches constitute criminal conduct.) If South Africa can escape the treat of a State of Emergency, so well foreshadowed by Zuma’s illegal use of the South African National Defence Force during his State of the Nation Address, the threat of the ANC remains. Zuma could not have remained in office without the support of at least a significant number of the senior ANC office bearers, and the unanimous support for Zuma during Motions of No Confidence and attempts at Impeachment brought against him is a sure indication that the vast bulk of ANC members have irrevocably hitched their wagon to his star.

It seems that the only way to bring about change in the political domination of the ANC will be for foreign investors and Aid Agencies to recognize that, in providing funds to the ANC Government, they are supporting a Government that is at least as bad as the Apartheid National Party Government, and that investments made in the country are supporting something that will inevitably collapse. Only by starving the ANC Government of funds will it be possible to ensure that all 17 000 000 social grants recipients and the hundreds of thousands of ANC cadres holding sinecure government jobs that add nothing to the economy start to understand that their best interests lie in ensuring that an honest Government takes power.

An educated lower-middle class Black man, more than a year ago, stated that he and a number of his friends believed that Jacob Zuma was truly the Anti-Christ. He could not understand why any human could do what Jacob Zuma and his associates are doing to the people they were elected to represent. Discrete questioning seems to be indicative that the belief is gaining ground. One can only hope that the voters and the honest and good ANC members will act on that conviction before it becomes a fait accompli.

 

Postscript

Since writing this article, the public has been delighted to hear that the Constitutional Court has delivered judgment in the case brought against SASSA by the Black Sash. The Court had previously described the situation as a ‘crisis’, a description that is exactly opposite to what both the Minister and the President described it to be, and now ordered Bathabile Dlamini, the Minister, to provide an affidavit as to why she personally should not be ordered to pay the costs of the action. That will be a substantial sum, although not nearly enough to compensate the public for the lies, the obfuscations, the denials and the incompetence of the Minister. It is, most tellingly, a clear indicator of the hardening of the attitude of the Constitutional Court to the actions of the various Ministers in the Government, led by Jacob Zuma’s insult to the Court when, after a lengthy delay, he ‘apologized’ to the public for the confusion they had suffered in their misunderstanding of his honest intention to repay the funds he had stolen from the public to build his ‘mansion’ at Nkandla. One can only hope that the costs will be on a penalty scale, to drive home to the Minister and her partners in malfeasance that they are the servants of the people, appointed on their behalf and paid by them to do the job that is described. It is to be hoped that the numerous other cases brought by or against Ministers and the President will incur similar costs Orders, particularly the Review brought by Jacob Zuma against the Finding by the Public Protector in the matter of State Capture.

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